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reunification and national unity: two diametrically opposed

A profound confusion has finally settled, permanently, in the minds of Cameroonians through repetition. It is the cons-truth that, "National unity" version Ahmadou Ahidjo, whose crowning achievement was the "peaceful revolution of 20 May 1972", in other words, the abolition of the federal state and the establishment of a single state, would be the completion of the battle undertaken by Cameroon, the division of their homeland by the British and the French, March 4, 1916.

SPEECH ON THE REUNIFICATION: A SPEECH ANTI-COLONIAL

When Cameroonians have learned, March 4, 1916, the division of their land by new invaders What was the French and British anger was unbounded, he was born in them, the irrepressible need to rebuild their country. Immediately, they began a nationalist struggle, which had the dual characteristic of wanting to start the white invaders, and the rebuilding of their homeland. So it was a nationalism of a particular type and unpublished, in the world. Even better, this fight was more nationalist than the one hand, Cameroonians felt that treaties Douala German, for a period of thirty years came to an end July 12, 1914, they have been signed July 12, 1884, on the other hand, they had not been consulted by the British and the French, nor that they take over from the Germans, nor that these new invaders carry out the division of their country.
Cameroonians were all the more justified in thinking that the Germans arrived on their land, had occurred on the basis of an agreement, that is to say, with their consent evidenced by the Douala-German treaty July 12, 1884.
1919, at the peace conference at the end of World War I at Versailles in the suburbs of Paris, Cameroonians have committed, through diplomatic channels, the double battle of the reunification of their country and his release by the British and the French. But they were not heard.
July 20, 1922 for their misfortune, the League of Nations League, had rather, in response, simply legalized the sharing and domination of Kamerun by Great Britain and France, the biggest disappointment of Cameroonians. From that year, Cameroonians will not cease to petition to the Standing Committee Mandates , CPM, the management body of the territories under mandate of this international organization until the end of the this, with the advent of World War II.
The demise of the League, was an event that was perceived by Cameroonians as In the end, likely from foreign domination in their country, and recovery of the latter. But to their misfortune, once again, their fate was decided without their consent. Indeed, 13 December 1946 were signed trust agreements between the United Nations, France and Great Britain, without any consultation of Cameroonians. They just learned one morning that the domination of their territory and its division, would continue under the new global organization that had seen the day in San Francisco that is to say the UN . Needless to say that the news has once again saddened at the highest point. Nevertheless, leur réaction ne s’est pas fait attendre, d’autant que la fin du second conflit mondial s’est traduite, pour eux, par l’octroi de libertés politiques par les deux colonialistes. Ils disposaient, désormais, de la possibilité de s’organiser en partis politiques.
Du côté sous domination française, le 10 avril 1948, c’est connu, ils ont créé un parti politique nationaliste, l’UPC. Son programme politique était, pour rappel, « réunification, immédiate, et indépendance ». Du côté sous domination britannique, ils ont même fait mieux. La quasi-totalité des political parties they have created, all have placed the issue of reunification at the top of their agenda.
But on the other hand, Franco-British, for their part, did not see it that way. They had already, and for eternity, divided our country, and it was totally out of question they call that into question. They are therefore set to fight hard on the French side, this idea, and rather casually, the British side. This explains the fact that nationalists have succeeded in take over the British side, and they were all killed, the French side.
Clearly, the proposed unification was, without further action, nationalist. It was turned against France and Great Britain, in addition to the benefit of Cameroonians.

SPEECH ON NATIONAL UNITY: AN ADDRESS ANTI-NATIONALIST

What has been the reaction of the French response to the determination of Cameroonians to rebuild their country as it was when his division on 4 March 1916?
We have already said, they began chasing the Cameroonian who promoted this idea: Ruben Um Nyobe Felix Moumie, Kingué Abel, Ernest Ouanda, Omog Gertrude Isaac Nyobe Mpandjock, etc.. It's not all they have, through the High Commissioner Roland Pré, carried out the massacres of the week from 22 to 28 May 1955.
Once Roland Pre sacked and replaced by Pierre Messmer, first, then Jean Ramadier thereafter, they brought the discourse on "national unity " as the one on the nail " reunification and independence "that propagated the nationalists. The latter, designed by Jean Ramadier was expounded for the first time February 18, 1958, on the occasion of the inauguration of the second Prime Minister of the semi-autonomous state of Cameroon, Ahmadou Ahidjo. From le lendemain, à savoir le 19 février 1958, et jusqu’à ce jour, les Camerounais se sont ainsi retrouvés face à deux discours antagonistes, opposés, s’excluant l’un l’autre. Celui sur « la réunification et l’indépendance », en langage courant, « Blancs, quittez notre pays et rentrez chez vous », d’une part, et celui sur « l’unité nationale », qui, lui, signifie, « c’est parce que vous êtes constitués en plusieurs tribus que vous ne pouvez pas progresser, que vous êtes sous-développés ; il vous faut donc être unis, et vous sortirez de la pauvreté ».
Clearly, a discourse of blame for the Cameroonians, " you, yourselves, the cause of your troubles, unite and they will end ," a speech of exculpation For the French, " they pulled out of darkness, we have provided health, education, roads, happiness, price, sometimes, their lives . In other words, the French Cameroon from August 1914 to December 31, 1959, were murdered person, burnt no villages, no Cameroonians exploited, burned no field, hanged anyone, etc.. They came here to bring us light, we leave our endless tribal wars, barbarism in which we lived since time immemorial.
How to summarize such a speech? An anti-nationalist.
The 1 st May 1958, Ahmadou Ahidjo, creating a political party in Garoua, Cameroon Union, UC, made his ideology in three points: 1 / - National Union, 2 / - Cameroonian nation, 3 / - Franco-Cameroonian cooperation.
What were the consequences immediate dissolving this discourse of patriotism?

TRIUMPH OF THE CONSEQUENCES OF SPEECH ON NATIONAL UNITY

Cameroonians started by the Ahidjo government interposed, to look through their tribe, because he should not do any tribe that dominates another. The ideologues of Ahmadou Ahidjo theorized this backward vision of things around the themes of "harmonious development and équilibré de la nation », et de « l’équilibre ethnique, l’équilibre régional ». Il fallait, dans chaque ministère, dans chaque administration, dans chaque société parapublique, etc, « équilibrer » les tribus, afin qu’aucune ne prenne le dessus sur une autre. Dans les concours administratifs, le régime d’Ahmadou Ahidjo a introduit une double citoyenneté : une « avantagée par le colonialisme », le Sud Cameroun, et une autre « désavantagée » par celui-ci, le Nord Cameroun. Jusqu’à ce jour, c’est ce discours qui prévaut.
Ruben Um Nyobè, quant à lui, lorsqu’il se rendait à l’ONU, ne le faisait pas pour aller y avantager les Bassaa, son groupe ethnique, au détriment des autres, mais, bel et bien, tous les Camerounais. C’est cet esprit qui gênait, considérablement, les Français, et qu’il fallait tuer pour être en mesure de continuer à dominer notre pays, longtemps après la proclamation de l’indépendance. A ce jour, le moins que l’on puisse dire, est qu’ils y sont parvenus. Et c’est bien dommage…

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speech May 15, 1957 to May 15, 2008: 51 years ago that the first government of Cameroon was formed

Le mercredi 15 mai 1957 est une date historique au Cameroun. Ce jour-là, notre pays s’était doté de son tout premier gouvernement. Le chef de celui-ci, et en même temps, premier Premier ministre du Cameroun, avait été André-Marie Mbida. C’était un gouvernement composé de quatorze ministres et secrétaires d’Etat, en plus du Premier ministre.
Ce gouvernement avait vu le jour à l’issue des élections du 23 décembre 1956, pour l’Assemblée Territoriale du Cameroun , ATCAM. Cette assemblée avait été élue avec pour mission d’étudier le projet de statut du Cameroun déposé par le gouvernement français, conformément à la loi Cadre-Deferre du 23 juin 1956, qui, d’une part, accordait l’autonomie interne aux territoires coloniaux français d’Afrique Noire, d’autre part, octroyait le pouvoir législatif aux assemblées territoriales telle que l’ATCAM l’était. En conséquence, il était convenu qu’à l’issue de ses travaux, l’ATCAM se transformerait en Assemblée législative du Cameroun , ALCAM. Composée de 70 MPs, the ATCAM of December 23, 1956 had brought no fewer than 60 amendments to the draft statute submitted by the French government, in short, was truly "Cameroonization" it. What is the image well, had not been to the taste of Paris. Nevertheless, the status of Cameroon, as adopted by the ATCAM, was enacted by the French government, 16 April 1957, giving birth at the same time, that day, the State semi- Autonomous Cameroon.
The new assembly called henceforth ALCAM, Legislative Assembly of Cameroon , had met for the first time May 10, 1957, and had made that date, the first official celebration of Cameroon, instead of July 14, day of the French national holiday that was celebrated, until then, Cameroon.
André-Marie had been consulted Mbida by the High Commissioner Pierre Messmer, Sunday, May 12, 1957 à 5:00 p.m. , to form the first government of Cameroon. On his release hearing, André-Marie had Mbida, immediately installed in the premises of the finance department, which would be processed subsequently by the Prime Ministry . From Monday, May 13, 1957 in the morning, André-Marie Mbida started its own consultation for government formation. He thus received Jules Ninine , president of ALCAM and member of North Cameroon to the National Assembly in Paris, Ahmadou Ahidjo, on behalf of the Cameroon Union, he even elected to ALCAM, Djoumessi Mathias behalf of Independents and Peasants also elect of the ALCAM, Charles Assale on behalf of the National Action Party also elected the ALCAM, Charles Okala Elect ALCAM unrelated, and other parliamentarians present at Yaounde. May 14, evening, André-Marie Mbida had completed the formation of the first government in the history of Cameroon , and had led to the signing of Pierre Messmer, High Commissioner of the French Republic in Cameroon accordance with the provisions of the statute of Cameroon issued April 16, 1957.
On Wednesday, May 15, 1957, André-Marie Mbida obtained by 56 votes to 10 votes against and 4 abstentions, the inauguration of his government by ALCAM.
The government at work, began to work in a collegial manner, as required by democracy. André-Marie Mbida did not decide alone he took the trouble to discuss all issues concerning the functioning of the country, Cabinet . Thus, during the council's June 6, 1957, three draft laws have been presented and discussed. These are: 1 / - a draft decree laying down the conditions under which will be held thereafter, and will operate financial control of the Trust State of Cameroon, 2 / - a draft decree on sale of property seized objects and effects to ensure tax collection, 3 / - a draft order amending the rates for certain categories of session of plant material.
During this council of ministers, it was decided that the director of financial control of the State of Cameroon, a French name Truitard, go away en mission de vérification de la comptabilité du secteur de modernisation du cacao.
Enfin, les conseils de ministres, sous André-Marie Mbida, se tenaient toutes les semaines.
André-Marie Mbida limogé, son successeur, Ahmadou Ahidjo a, tout au début, perpétué cette pratique, puis, une fois l’indépendance obtenue a, purement et simplement, abandonné celle-ci. Quant au successeur d’Ahmadou Ahidjo, Paul Biya, il a transformé les rares conseils des ministres qu’il se décide à organiser quand le cœur lui en dit, parfois après deux ans, en monologues ennuyeux, au cours which they speak, as God the Father to the poor fishermen are members of the government, then gets up and walks away.

Composition of 1 st Cameroonian government:

Premier Head of Government Deputy Prime Minister Handler Interior reserved Affairs and Studies Finance Economics Public Works, Transportation and Mines Education Health Agriculture Labour and Social Laws SE Information SE Public SE Interior SE Budget SE Agriculture

André-Marie Mbida Ahmadou Ahidjo Mathias Djoumesi Njoya Arona P. Kotouo Michel Njiné V. Ahanda Adama Haman Alfred Mandon M. Marigoh Mboua Gaston Medou Germain Tsala Mekongo Antoine Logmo François Biyo’o Olinga Request Malla

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What Is The Best Way to overtrhow Paul Biya Government today?

A reader of Camer.be wrote to me: “ the change will come by force and not by election in Cameroon ”. That give me the opportunity to speak about this significant question. Revolution or election, the best way to overthrow Paul Biya regime, in my point of view, is not a question of dogmatism. It is a question of realism, a question of pragmatism. Are we able to take the power by revolution, today, in our country ? Are we able to do it by election ? What is the Cameroon experience of revolution ? What is its experience of election ?

THE REVOLUTION IN CAMEROON IN THE PAST

The first attempt to overthrow the power by revolution, in our country, was the Upc one, from 1956 to 1958, in Bassaa land, and from 1957 to 1970, in Bamileke land. We can also add the guerrilla of Mouloundou, in 1965, whose leader was Ossende Afana, and the guerrilla of Djoum, en 1968, whose leader was Ngouoh Woungly Massaga.
In 1956, December 2-3, Upc created its army, the CNO, Comité National d’Organisation , and launched its first attack two weeks later, in December 18-19. Immediately, the French army came. And from December 1956 to march 1957, it killed several thousands people in Bassaa land, burning villages, destroying harvests, using torture, and so on. From march to December 1957, there was a little break. It started again from 1957, December 9, until Ruben Um Nyobè was killed in 1958, September 13. It destroyed, one more time, the Bassaa land, burned several villages, killed many many thousands people. It was terrible.
In Bamileke land, Upc created its second army, named ALNK, Armée de Liberation Nationale Kamerunaise , in 1957-1958. That time, French army used aviation and bombed the country with napalm, cutting heads and displaying them in public places, like market places, and so on. The last heads displayed I saw were in Kompany, a small town near by Bafang, in Haut-Nkam division. It was in 1969. Let me tell you, it was something horrible. In 1970, Ernest Ouandié was trapped and arrested. He was killed in 1971, January 15, in Bafoussam.
In 1965, Ossendé Afana, one of the greatest upc leader after Um Nyobè death, started a guerrilla in the far-east of Cameroon, in the bush between Mouloundou and Wesso, a town of Congo Brazzaville. He was killed in 1966, around march 15.
In 1968, Ngouoh Woungly Massaga started another guerrilla in the bush behind Djoum, in Dja & Lobo division. After a few weeks of war, he gave up the guerrilla, and it was the end of that one.

THE REVOLUTION IN CAMEROON SINCE MULTIPARTISM

Since 1991, the year of multipartism, two revolutions have been organised in Cameroon. The first one started in April 1991, and end in November 1991, by the tripartite conference which took place in Congress Palace in Yaoundé. I think, every Cameroonian keep on remembering it. The second one, is the February 2008 revolution. Like the first one, all Cameroonians know what was done, the way it started, the way it finished. In 1991, like in last February, people did not succeed to overthrow the Paul Biya and his Rdpc government. The question is, why do people, since 1956, fail in his attempt to overthrow French colonial rule, Ahmadou Ahidjo government, and now Paul Biya’s one ? Here is the answer : it is not a question of the only willingness, a simple question of goodwill. No. It’s, above all, a question of military weakness. Do people able to get equal armed forces as the government ? The answer, obviously, is no. It is not possible. People cannot get weapons like government. Furthermore, people cannot be trained like the soldiers, I want to say government army. That is the reason why, until now, no revolution succeed in Cameroon, and is not about to succeed, very soon, in Cameroon. The people don’t have weapons, in Cameroon, and cannot easily get them. Cameroon is different from Chad, Central Africa Republic, Democratic Republic of Congo, and so on. In these different countries, to get weapons is easy, due to the fact that, there are many external governments which can provide arms to guerrillas. In Cameroon, who should provide arms to the people ? Nigeria ? Equatorial Guinea ? Gabon ? Chad ? Central Africa Republic ? Congo ? None.

However, in 1991, the revolution failed not only for lack of weapons. It was also because the Beti land did not join the movement. The politicians of 1991 who launched the revolution made a very big mistake. They did not look for the way to associate Beti people in the attempt of overthrow the regime, and, in return, the Beti people save that one. The 1991 politicians, due to their low experience in political struggles (all of them were former CNU and CPDM, two political parties where you cannot get a real experience, except in fraud), brought tribalism in their messages, presented Beti people as the worst people ever created by God. So, they terribly frightened that people, and, unfortunately and also automatically, pushed it into the hands of Paul Biya.
So, he was able to say : “ quand Yaoundé respire, le Cameroun vit ”. He said it, because of the big mistake of we, opponents, all along the year 1991, we made.
Now, what is the Cameroon experience of elections ?

THE ELECTIONS I N CAMEROON IN THE PAST AND TODAY

In the part of our country under French rule, all the elections organised were based on rigging. They were not fair. For the ARCAM, Assemblée Représentative du Cameroun , in 1946, March-April, the ATCAM, Assemblée Territoriale du Cameroun , 1952 March, and also in 1956, December, none of these elections was fair and transparent. The French colonial administration used it to eliminate patriot and nationalist candidates.

After 1960, the referendum for the constitution in February 21, was not fair and transparent. The legislative elections of April 10, also. The election of Ahmadou Ahidjo as 1 ^st president of Cameroon, in may 5, was also made with fraud, in the legislative assembly. It was shameful. The last “democratic election” of 1964 during the Ahidjo rule, for the Assembly, was also without transparency. Elections of 1965, 1969, 1972, 1977, 1982, were not elections, due to CNU, Cameroon National Union , as the only political party of the country. Since Paul Biya rule, the elections organised before 1990, were not elections, because the CPDM was the only party, like CNU was before. After 1990, the Paul Biya government became no longer dictatorial, but also not democratic. It became a “half democratic-half dictatorial” regime. In 1992, the both elections organized were not transparent. Nor the 1996, 1997, 2002, 2004, 2007 elections.

THE SPECIFIC SITUATION OF TODAY

The one who is not rally aware of political struggles, should rapidly conclude, in the light of the evidences above that, there is no way to overthrow the regime in our country by election. It is not correct. In Cameroon now, we are moving towards the situation of Kenya and Zimbabwe today.
Actually, Paul Biya is probably the most unpopular African head of state after Robert Mubage. Secondly, the people is extremely angry of his decision to die in power. Thirdly, the Beti people is no more behind Biya, like in 1992. We saw it during the last February riots. Young Beti people, who used to cheat for the CDPM at each election, were burning wheels in the streets, even in front of his palace, like everybody. They no more cared that they were Beti. So, what our country needs now, is a political leader, or a political party, able to join these three situations, to carry them successfully until the next presidential election. The lack of this kind of leader or of political party, should be fatal for our people and our country.
I know, one should talk about fraud. Of course. But, where is that fraud in Noun division in front of Ndam Njoya, or Meme or Mezam, in front of SDF ?

WHAT ARRIVE WHEN A REVOLUTION FAILS ?

The failure of a revolution has terrible consequences for the people. 1/- he starts to doubt in his capacities of overthrow the regime; 2/- consequently, he starts to give up the fight; 3/- he starts to wait for a miracle from God; 4/- finally, the government become more strong than it was before.
That was the situation of Paul Biya regime after the failure of 1991 revolution. That was also the situation of Ahmadou Ahidjo regime, after the failure of Upc revolution. The consequence of the failure of last February revolution is that, Paul Biya government is, now, reinforcing its dictatorship. We can see how the army is everywhere now, day and night, not to protect people against crime, but the regime against the population. Furthermore, Paul Biya after the riots, had decided to recruit one thousand more soldiers, several thousands of policemen !!!!
So, do not start revolution when you do not have the capacity to succeed. Otherwise, you are going to strengthen the regime. It is true everywhere all over the world, and all along the history.

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Some Issues in Anglophone Cameroon today

I would like to ask, through Camer.be, the president of Parena, the following questions :

1/ Does he agree with the dissolution of the Federation of Cameroon by Ahidjo in 1972 ?
2/ Does he consider the Southern Cameroons as being a legal part of Republique du Cameroun ?
3/ What specific steps will he take to end the French colonial rule of Republique du Cameroun ?
4/ What steps will he take to end the French colonial rule of the Southern Cameroons ?
5/ Why should we believe that he'll not be another French colonial governor like Ahidjo, Biya, Bongo, Deby, Eyadema (Pere et Fiston), Nguesso, etc ?

Your faithful reader,

M. N.

1/ Does he agree with the dissolution of the Federation of Cameroon by Ahidjo in 1972 ?

Enoh Meyomesse: No. Why ? Because it was a decision of French government following the nationalization of the French interests in Algerian oil. Since 1954, the French government knew that there was oil in Cameroon and keep it in stand by, waiting for the best moment for him to start exploitation. That moment arrived in the year 1972, when Houari Boumedienne, the Algerian president, decided to nationalize the French interests as I told above. Ahmadou Ahidjo was called in Paris, urgently, and asked to end the federalism in Cameroon. When he came back, he didn’t tell to anybody anything. He organised a meeting of the Cameroon National Union , CNU, his political party, in its headquarters near the ministry of mines in Yaounde. During the meeting, he addressed the members of the Central Committee and inform them of his decision to end the federalism in Cameroon and to go to the united state. Each member started to clap his hands, most of them by fear of the prison. Who, when Ahmadou Ahidjo was president of the republic, was able to say no to him ? Nobody. After the headquarters of CNU, he took everybody to the National Assembly. While there, he told to the members of parliament his decision to abolish federalism in Cameroon. One more, everybody start to clap his hands. I remember this days. I was in grammar school, lycée Leclerc. My classroom was asked to stand in front of the National Assembly to welcome the president of the republic. When he went into the National Assembly, and started his speech, I didn’t listen to him, but, suddenly, I heard a lot of applauses coming inside, through many loudspeakers outside, and people started to sing the national anthem. At one o’clock, Cameroonians heard from the national station that federalism is abolish, and that, we are going to a new state, an united one. A national referendum is organized two weeks later, and in the evening, the national station started to read the names of the different delegations of CNU, and their leaders, around the country. In may 20, in the polling stations, what was the very big surprise of the people to discover that there was only two ballot papers, “OUI” and “YES”. They had to choice one of them. It was shameful and dishonourable for our country. I do not agree, at all, with the dissolution of the federation in 1972, due specially to the way it was done.

2/ Does he consider the Southern Cameroons as being a legal part of Republique du Cameroun ?
Enoh Meyomesse: No. But it is a legal part of Kamerun, with “K”, that mean our real country, before the British and French invasion in 1914-1916. I believe in ONE KAMERUN, like Ndeh Ntumazah, Augustin Ngom Njua, John Ngu Foncha believed, also, before 1960, January 1, for the part of Kamerun under French rule, and 1961 October 1, for the part of Kamerun under British rule. I also believe that the reunification was made, in 1961, not in the interest of Cameroonians, but, unfortunately, for those of French people. That is why I propose to set up a new constitution for our country by Cameroonians themselves. In my opinion, it is the only way to solve the Anglophone issue in Cameroon, not by trying to increase separatism or something like that. So, I do not agree with SCNC.

3/ What specific steps will he take to end the French colonial rule of Republique du Cameroun ?
Enoh Meyomesse : I cannot understand clearly your question. May be, you want to talk about the French domination of our country. If so, I will abolish the “accords de cooperation” signed in 1958, December 30, by Ahmadou Ahidjo, because they are the legal framework of that domination. If you want to talk about a francophone domination in Cameroon, I think the new constitution that I am talking about is able to solve that issue.

4/ What steps will he take to end the French colonial rule of the Southern Cameroons ?

Enoh Meyomesse : Please, read the answer above.

5/ Why should we believe that he'll not be another French colonial governor like Ahidjo, Biya, Bongo, Deby, Eyadema (Pere et Fiston), Nguesso, etc ?

Enoh Meyomesse : All these presidents were appointed by France. Ahidjo by Jean Ramadier, in 1958, February 18, and keep in power until 1982, November 6 ; Biya Paul was appointed by François Mitterrand, in the place of Ahmadou Ahidjo, Bongo was appointed by Charles de Gaulle, in 1967, Deby went to power by force, with the blessing of France, Eyadema, also, even Sassou Nguesso went to power, two times, by force, after killing of ten thousand persons. That is why I agree with you that they are French colonial governors. But, Laurent Gbagbo was not appointed by any French president or French politician, nor Jacques Chirac, nor anybody else. He was elected by the ivoirians. So, that is the reason why he is really an independent president. The day we will elect, ourselves, we Cameroonians, our president, I do believe that he will no more be a French colonial governor. The day you will elect me, as president of Cameroon, in the place of Paul Biya, I will not be a French colonial governor, because I will end French servitude on our people and our country. I know French people very well. I did my primary school in France, and also my university. I have been staying in that country more than 14 years long after my baccalauréat. So, I know the way France dominates us.

A reader of the newspaper Camer.be send me this document.

Why is it that every time an Anglophone complains other Cameroonians and mostly francophones react childishly ?

Its is a fact that on this very forum someone(Guantanamo) refereed to Fru Ndi as a Nigerian.I did not hear anyone here told him to shut up(chut up). It is also a fact that Anglophones have always been treated with disdain in the Cameroon of today. One of my francophone friend in a university in Holland told my classmates that Anglophones in Cameroon are Nigerians. Since we are not Cameroonians i guess it will be right for us to go back to where we belong. Why do francophones want us in their country? Since we are not important i guess it will be the right thing for us to divorce so that we could still be good neighbours.
We did not hear Francophones complain when Emah Basile refered to Anglophones as " the enemies in the house". We also don’t hear franco-phones complain when Anglophones get discriminated for job opportuni-ties simply because they cant speak French. We don’t hear francophones complain when more francophones than Anglophones are granted Commonwealth scholarships while at the same time no Anglophone is granted scholarship by the francophonie.
The truth is that Cameroon is heading for a break-up. Yes the rupture is only a matter of time. Francophone Cameroonians keep proving to us that they don’t like Anglophones. Some of them call us le Biafrais. I kind of wonder how better they are than Biafrans or Nigerians. They need to understand for peace to reign the most be justice. You guys can keep your Cameroon for yourself. Anglophones have come to realise Garlic culture and anglosaxionism sometimes find it difficult to cope mostly in a case where one of the culture is only wanting to dominate the other.
When Francophones talk of patriotism, they turn to mean we Anglophones should shut up and eat their shit. Their corrupt practices, their nasty judicial system, their police state, their bureaucracy and poor style of conducting public affairs. Well I got good and bad news for them. The good news is that my generation of young Anglophones are ready to take our destiny into our own hands. The bad news is that the divorce is eminent. We have tried to save your ass from neocolonialism but now we realise Francophones have been brainwashed and assimilated into the nasty French culture.